Gásir in Eyjafjörður: International Exchange and Local Economy in
Medieval Iceland
Ramona Harrison1,*, Howell M. Roberts2, and W. Paul Adderley3
Abstract - The site of Gásir in Eyjafjörður in northeast Iceland was excavated from 2001–2006, revealing details of one
of the larger seasonal trading centers of medieval Iceland. Interdisciplinary investigations of the site have shed light upon
the organization of the site and provided confi rmation of documentary accounts of both prestige items (gyrfalcons, walrus
ivory) and bulk goods (sulphur) concentrated for export. Gásir was a major point of cultural contact as well as economic
exchange between Icelanders and the world of medieval Europe, and the zooarchaeological analyses indicated a mix of
foodways and the presence of exotic animals and a well-developed provisioning system, which supplied high-quality meat
and fresh fi sh to the traders. The excavations demonstrated an unexpected regional-level economic impact of the seasonally
occupied site on the surrounding rural countryside, and contribute to ongoing investigations of the extent and impact of
overseas trade in medieval Iceland.
1CUNY Doctoral Program in Anthropology, Department of Anthropology, CUNY Graduate School, 365 Fifth Avenue, New
York, NY 10016. 2Fornleifastofnun Íslands, Icelandic Archaeology Institute, Bárugata 3, 101 Reykjavík, Iceland. 3School
of Biological and Environmental Sciences, University of Stirling, Stirling FK9 4LA, Scotland, UK. *Corresponding author
- ramonaharrison@yahoo.com.
Introduction
The settlement of the North Atlantic islands during
the Viking Age (ca AD 750–1050) has long been seen
primarily as a search by Nordic chieftains and their
followers for new farming settlements, with island
colonization spurred on by competition and confl ict
among chiefs in the Scandinavian homelands (e.g.,
Karlsson 2000:15) The dispersed settlement pattern
of individual farmsteads that developed in Iceland
and Greenland by the 11th century (without villages
or hamlets such as developed in the Faroe Islands
and in some parts of the Orkneys) would seem to
support the primacy of agricultural production and
subsistence uses of a range of wild resources in the
economic choices that created Icelandic cultural
landscapes (Vésteinsson 2000, Vésteinsson et al.
2003). Documentary sources from the 12th–14th
centuries (based in part upon earlier oral tradition)
describe this initial settlement, emphasizing the
role of chieftains in claiming agricultural land
and controlling access to fi shing grounds, sealing
beaches, whale and timber strandings, and similar
local resource zones, rather than primarily engaging
in overseas trade and exchange (Kristjánsson
1985–1988, Sigurðsson 1999). While the mainly
13th-century Icelandic sagas mention foreign traders
and Icelandic overseas trading ventures, these
references are hard to interpret in any quantitative
fashion, although thorough attempts to tackle this
issue were made by Melsteð (1895, 1907–15,
1916–30). The problem is that the Icelandic sagas
tend to use these overseas contacts as conventions to
advance plot lines or demonstrate the wide contacts
and prestige of particular personages. The actual
extent and economic importance of both internal
and external trade and exchange in Viking Age
and Medieval Iceland has long been controversial,
with some authors using the documentary sources
to model very extensive overseas trading contacts
in the early Middle Ages (for this traditional view
see, i.e., Jóhannesson 1974), while a more recent
approach (not always based on primary data)
models a far more self-contained and somewhat
inward-looking society (i.e., Durrenberger and
Pálsson 1989, Gelsinger 1981, Hastrup 1990).
Archaeology and paleoecology are playing an
increasing role in expanding our understanding of
economy, settlement, and human environmental
impact in Iceland and the region as a whole, and
it is now possible to signifi cantly supplement the
written record and contribute to a debate previously
based largely upon written sources (e.g., Adderley
and Simpson 2005, 2006; McGovern et al. 2007;
Simpson et al. 2002; Vésteinsson et al. 2003).
One important recent archaeological finding
has been evidence for an extensive inter-regional
exchange in processed fi sh (probably both round
dried and fl at dried) within Iceland dating back to the
initial settlement in the late 9th century (Perdikaris
and McGovern 2007, 2008). The presence of large
amounts of marine fi sh bone as well as some seamammal
bone and sea-bird bones and eggs on
inland sites in several parts of Iceland (McGovern et
al. 2006) combined with the wealth and importance
of Viking Age sites with excellent fi shing access but
limited agricultural land in the mountainous North
West peninsula (Edvardsson and McGovern 2005)
have led archaeologists to model a well-developed
Viking Age staple-goods exchange network in
Iceland. This well-organized exchange system
pre-dates the major expansion of commercial cod
fi shing in the eastern North Atlantic ca 950–1100
now documented by both zooarchaeology and
2008 Journal of the North Atlantic 1:99–119
100 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 1
written sources (Amundsen et al. 2005, Barrett and
Richards 2004, Barrett et al. 2004, Krivogorskaya
2005, Perdikaris 1999). Growing evidence for early
intra-island exchange of dried fi sh products prior
to the 12th-century commercial fi shing expansion
thus raises questions about the undocumented role
of inter-island fi sh trading and its role in the initial
settlement process.
New perspectives are also developing on the
potential role of Viking-age walrus hunters in
the colonization of both Iceland and Greenland,
driven in part by new fi nds of walrus bones in both
archaeological and paleontological contexts in
Iceland (Dugmore et al. 2007, Vésteinsson 2006).
The documentation of a medieval entrepôt site at
Sandhavn in southwestern Greenland (Christiansen
2002) and additional fi nds of walrus-tusk processing
debris in all levels of stratifi ed contexts on Norse sites
in both major Greenlandic settlement areas (Ogilvie
et al., in prep.; Smiarowski et al. 2007) further
underlines the potential role of local and regional
exchange in shaping island economies, and may also
suggest how much more remains to be learned about
long-distance trade in the early North Atlantic.
This paper seeks to provide an interdisciplinary
perspective on the nature and extent of later
medieval international trade from Iceland by including
potential interaction between a seasonal trading
site and its hinterlands. Focus is upon the results of
archaeological investigations at the seasonal trading
site of Gásir in northeast Iceland, providing both an
overview of the organization of the later occupation
phases (mainly 14th century AD) and attempting to
place the site in a wider context.
Gásir was a highly specialized site in its structure
and layout, as a collection point and perhaps site of
fi nal fi nishing of Icelandic (and other North Atlantic)
products for export and import, and as a regular
point of cultural contact between rural Iceland and
urban Europe. Collaborative interdisciplinary investigation
suggests that Gásir’s economic and social
impact upon the surrounding Icelandic society may
have been more important than its casual and impermanent
architecture would suggest.
Gásir in Eyjafjörður: The Excavation Site
The Gásir site lies in at the western side of
Eyjafjörður, northeast Iceland (Fig. 1), close to the
modern city of Akureyri. The site has been previously
investigated by the Dane Premierløjtnant Froda in
1902 on behalf of Daniel Bruun and excavated by
Bruun and Finnur Jónsson in 1907 (Bruun and Jónsson
1908). Margrét Hermanns-Auðardóttir and Bjarni
F. Einarsson dug 4 trenches, 3 x 1 m, in 1986, which
indicated the complexity of at least two groups of
well-preserved earthen structures and the remains
of a church that was also investigated originally by
Bruun and Jónsson (1908) and is set within a large
circular churchyard enclosure (Roberts et al. 2005,
2006). Following a topographical and geophysical
survey (Horsley, in Roberts et al. 2002a:32–38), a
re-excavation of Bruun and Jónsson’s pits and 3 of the
1986 trenches in 2001 (Roberts et al. 2002a), and a
search of Daniel Bruun´s archives held at the Danish
National Museum (Copenhagen), a major excavation
by the Institute of Archaeology in Iceland (FSĺ)
under commission from the Akureyri Museum commenced
in 2001 and concluded in 2006. During this
excavation, the site was divided into several areas,
each bearing evidence of different activities in the
later Middle Ages. The overall open-area excavation
strategy aimed at recovering a broad synchronic
picture of conditions on the site in its later phases
(14th to possibly early 15th century), expanding in
phase over a wider area rather than producing a narrow
deep multiphase pit; the artifacts and ecofacts
collected are thus all from the same broad time period.
While much work can still be done at the site,
the 2001–06 investigations provide a solid basis for
discussion of the high-medieval 14th-century phase
of occupation and for the spatial correlation and connection
of features, structures, and open spaces. The
site’s structures (Figs. 2, 3) are largely composed of
interlinked, sunken-featured buildings (“booths”)
and open activity areas of various sizes. Fireplaces,
dwelling areas, workshops, and trackways as well as
storage pits and garbage dumps have yielded bones,
tools, pottery, and other remains (including a unique
concentration of raw sulphur) that allow interpretation
of activities at the site during each market season
(Roberts et al. 2004, 2006). The booth buildings were
cut into the natural ground as sunken features, and rudimentary
standing walls were heightened by stacked
turf blocks (Roberts et al. 2006). Consecutive use and
disuse of these enclosed spaces left thin occupational
deposits divided by lenses of windblown sand and silt
Figure 1. Location map.
2008 R. Harrison, H.M. Roberts, and W.P. Adderley 101
Figure 2. Gásir site layout (from
Roberts et al. 2006).
Figure 3. Layout of the two main excavation areas:
A. the booth structures, and B. the churchyard.
Various features discussed are annotated
(from Roberts et al. 2006).
102 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 1
between them, clearly indicating that these were not
year-round occupations. These casually constructed,
often repaired, and frequently altered structures do
not resemble contemporary Icelandic farmhouses or
elite residences, and overall, their size and construction
suggest purpose-specifi c occupation of the area
during the summer market season. Other medieval
Icelandic markets that share characteristics with the
one at Gásir are Gautavík in east Iceland (Capelle
1982), and Maríuhöfn in southwest Iceland, as well
as Kolkuós, the market site associated with the northern
bishopric at Hólar (i.e., Kristjönudóttir 2005) in
Skagafjörður, western neighbor to Eyjafjörður, where
Gásir is situated (see Fig. 1).
Market area A (Figs. 2, 3) consists of multiple
series of interlinked booth-like structures that align
along a number of linked trackways. These structures
exhibit a varied architecture with primarily
large, deep-sunken buildings all slightly terraced
into a gentle rise. These interior spaces were then
subdivided and reinforced by irregular turf walls
and linings, to form rooms of greatly varying shape
and size. These subdivisions are presumed to refl ect
differing functions. A few of these rooms have rough
stone fl oors; other occupation surfaces are formed
from multiple fi ne layers of trampled soil and ash. A
small number of rooms contain formal hearths or fi re
pits, while most possessed simple temporary hearths
indicated by localized burning.
While only a small sample of the overall site has
been excavated, and thus the complete extent of the
market area is unknown, earthworks visible on the
surface and through soil resistivity survey cover
an area of c. 10,000 m2. In the recent excavations,
c. 600 m2 of the market area has been examined,
with only the upper portion of the total archaeological
deposit excavated. In addition to the market area,
the Gásir church and churchyard (area B in Fig. 3)
overlooking the market area have been re-excavated
(Vésteinsson, in Roberts et al. 2006). The church
saw three building phases, with the last one after
1300. In this phase, the church was extended to a
total length of 16 m. Prevailing thought is that this
imposing timber structure was built by the merchants
at Gásir to express their religious beliefs,
as a source and symbol of mercantile solidarity
(perhaps not unlike the guild-chapels of contemporary
urban Europe), but certainly also to impress
the local Icelandic market participants, whose own
parish churches were far more modest (Vésteinsson,
in Roberts et al. 2006:18). No graves were found
in the churchyard enclosure, despite full exposure
and excellent conditions for bone preservation. The
churchyard area may have occasionally served as a
sanctifi ed assembly area (and non-violent sanctuary
space), but any foreign crew that died while residing
at Gásir must have been buried elsewhere, possibly
at one of the nearby parish churches, Glæsibær, Laugaland,
or the monastic church at Möðruvellir.
Trade Contacts
Gásir can be viewed as a medieval seasonal proto-
urban fair, more akin to the emporia of the Early
Middle Ages than to most contemporary 14th-century
commercial towns; its existence likely dependent
upon authority providing market peace and regularizing
the interactions between locals and visitors.
The wealthy monastery of Möðruvellir located close
to Gásir may have been economically involved with
the activities of the market place; one 14th-century
documentary account reports that the Möðruvellir
monks accidentally burnt down their monastery
after returning drunk from the Gásir market (Steingrimsson
et al. 2003:367). In the early 14th century,
English fi shermen-traders became very active in
Icelandic waters, and began to face competition
from German merchants of the Hanseatic League
in the latter half of the 15th century (Þorsteinsson
1970). Pottery remains recovered from the deposits
at Gásir include Rhenish Siegburg stoneware, East
Anglian green-glazed red-ware, and a single body
shard of Spanish Majolica. All these pieces of pottery
can be dated to about the 13th–14h centuries AD,
and except for the Majolica shard, which was very
rare at that time, all types found at Gásir were in
wide circulation in the medieval North Sea/North
Atlantic region. Vessel forms include many beakers
and jugs used for beer and wine consumption rather
than food preparation. Two coarsely fi red crucibles
indicate on-site craft activity requiring high burning/
smelting temperatures (Mehler, in Roberts et al.
2004:61). Icelandic soils are not suitable for pottery
production, and most Icelanders ate and drank from
wooden or horn vessels, so that even these fairly
simple and widely distributed medieval pottery
forms could have carried an enhanced status-meaning
and were likely used for celebratory occasions.
The total Gásir pottery assemblage is quite impressive
in diversity, and even more in numbers, for that
of an Icelandic site from this period (see Gísladóttir,
in Roberts et al. 2006:21).
In 2003, a count of all medieval ceramic fragments
found in Iceland resulted in a total of ca.
30 vessels from the 13th and 14th centuries. At that
point, with excavation activities still to be continued
for another 3 years, 19 vessels had been
recovered from Gásir, increasing the total number
of Icelandic ceramics by more than 60% (Mehler,
in Roberts et al. 2004:69). A total of 58 of baking
plates made of imported schistose material were
recovered from Gásir, comprising more than 50%
of the total Icelandic baking stone collection (Gísladóttir,
in Roberts 2006a:22).
2008 R. Harrison, H.M. Roberts, and W.P. Adderley 103
Bulk Goods and Luxury Exports
The main bulk staple goods leaving Iceland after
1250 were dried cod fi sh (usually prepared as rounddried
stockfi sh) and woolen cloth such as vaðmál
(Karlsson 2000, Þorláksson 2008). At Gásir, some
woolen cloth fragments were recovered, but as wool
was the most common fabric worn by both Icelanders
and continental Europeans in the Middle Ages, it
is uncertain if these fi nds represent cloth intended for
export (Gísladóttir, in Roberts et al. 2005). Since the
analysis of the Gásir artifactual and environmental
remains has not been fi nalized, detailed analysis of
the recovered cloth might still inform on the nature
of its purpose. The fi sh bones recovered that are still
subject to further investigations appear to relate more
directly to the provisioning of the site’s occupants
than to export, as will be discussed more extensively
below. Less ambiguous is the fi nd of a concentration
of sulphur in what may be a processing pit, also presented
in more detail below. Iceland and Sicily were
the major medieval sources of sulphur, which was
used as an insecticide, medicine, and increasingly for
black powder manufacture as gunpowder weapons
became more common on European battlefi elds in
the 14th–15th centuries (Adderley et al. 2004b, Kramer
2001). The nearest extensive open deposits of volcanic
sulphur are in the mountain ranges east of Lake
Mývatn, some 100 km to the east, which were intermittently
exploited for export in early modern times
(Þorsteinsson 1972). In addition to traditional bulk
staple goods like dried fi sh and woolen cloth (Foote
and Wilson 1970) or industrial sulphur, the Gásir site
also was involved in the export of high status luxury
goods. Gásir’s archaeofauna yielded two gyrfalcon
(Falco rusticolus) bones that were recovered from
different contexts. While sea-eagles were regularly
killed for stock protection and their feathers and
bones do sporadically appear in Icelandic archaeofauna,
falcons were not hunted, and their bones are
extremely rare in collections (Harrison, in Roberts et
al. 2004). These gyrfalcons were probably accidental
deaths in transit in what we know from documentary
sources to have been a well-known Icelandic export
of birds associated with the highest (royal status) of
the carefully ranked grades of high medieval falconry
(Þórdarson 1957).
Dating
The chronology of the whole Gásir site has been
assessed through radiocarbon, tephrochronology,
artifacts, and documentary evidence. The earliest
mention of Gásir’s involvement in market activities
in AD 1163 is found in the Prestssaga Guðmundar
góða (Jóhannesson et al. 1946:119), while the last
time written sources mention the seasonal fair is
AD 1391 (Storm 1888:367). The site has yielded
C14 results (Cook 2006) that place it from the 13th
century AD through to the early 15th, which loosely
corresponds with documentary sources. Few of the
artifacts are diagnostic for high-resolution dating,
with the pottery assemblage broadly datable to the
13th–14th centuries (Mehler, in Roberts et al. 2002b:
46). Tephrochronological dating further refines this
chronology; all excavated layers are stratigraphically
later than the Grimsvötn volcanic tephra
horizon dated circa AD 1300 (Magnus Sigurgeirsson,
in Roberts et al. 2002b). Further unexcavated
layers clearly continue to some depth below the
limits of excavation, which have intentionally focused
upon the later phases. Whilst Gásir may have
origins as early as the Viking period, to date there
is no unequivocal evidence to support this assumption,
and this paper deals with the fairly narrow
time range between the circa 1300 tephra fall and
the end of the market around 1400.
Radiocarbon dates and associated carbon and nitrogen
isotopic assays carried out on mammal bone
and marine shell at the Scottish Universities Reactor
Center (SUERC) by Gordon Cook and Philippa
Ascough are presented in Table 1 (discussion in
Ascough et al. 2005, 2006). As expected, the marine
shellfi sh and the seal bone show much higher delta
C13 values (values above -15 to -16% indicate marine
food-web participation) than those of the cows
(terrestrial food web), and these samples generate
radiocarbon dates far too old for the medieval site.
The very low N15 values of two of the cattle bone
samples (SUERC 8634, 8635) are similar to the values
produced from nearby Mývatn area sites with
highland low-arctic pastures, while the higher N15
value (SUERC 8629) suggests habitual grazing on
richer lowland vegetation (see Cook, in McGovern
et al. 2007). While more isotopic assays are now
underway, these diverse delta N15 values from apparently
contemporary cattle bone samples already
may suggest that Gásir drew upon a wide catchment
area for the cattle that provisioned its market.
Methods and Materials
Excavation at Gásir was conducted according
to standard methodologies described in the Field
Table 1. Results from isotopic studies on faunal remains from
context (528) (calibration according to Bronk 2003).
SUERC Radiocarbon delta delta
# Material years BP sd C13 N15
8635 Cattle bone 795 35 -22.5 2.8
8634 Cattle bone 595 35 -22.1 2.2
8629 Cattle bone 645 40 -21.8 7.3
8633 Seal bone 1145 35 -12.7 14.4
8638 Clam shell 1165 35 0.5
8639 Clam shell 1305 35 1.9
8637 Clam shell 1175 35 2.5
8636 Clam shell 1200 35 2.8
104 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 1
Manual of FSĺ (http://www.fornleif.is/utgafa/
handbok)—an adapted version of the Single Context
Planning methodology of the Museum of London
(Museum of London 1994). Excavation was supplemented
with sampling for fl otation, geo-chemistry,
and micromorphology following North Atlantic Biocultural
Organization (NABO) recommendations, to
support the study of plant remains, industrial activities,
and other aspects of the site formation process.
Dry-sieving through 4-mm mesh was applied to all
midden contexts. Site contexts 2076 and 520, where,
respectively, extensive fi sh remains and sulphur materials
were found, were subject to targeted wholesoil
sampling for post-excavation analysis.
The faunal materials were processed at the City
University of New York (CUNY) Northern Science
and Education Center (NORSEC) laboratories in
New York City and Brooklyn, NY, USA. Recording
and data curation followed the NABONE
protocols followed for other archaeofauna from
Iceland, Faroes, Greenland, and northern Norway
(NABO Zooarchaeological Working Group 2004;
see www.nabohome.org for downloadable version
8). Following widespread North Atlantic tradition,
bone-fragment quantifi cation makes use of the Number
of Identifi ed Specimens (NISP) method (Grayson
1984). Mammal measurements follow von den Driesch
(1976), fi sh metrics follow Wheeler and Jones
(1989), fi sh identifi cations follow FISHBONE 3.1
(2003; also at www.nabohome.org), and sheep/goat
distinctions follow Boessneck (1969) and Mainland
and Halstead (2005). Tooth-wear stage studies follow
Grant (1982) and long-bone fusion stage calibrations
follow Reitz and Wing (1999), with overall presentation
of age reconstruction following Enghoff (2003).
Sulphur materials were sampled from context
520 on the site, positioned away from the market
area (Fig. 4). The samples were prepared for
analysis by impregnation with polyester resin.
Optical micromorphology (thin sections under
microscope) method was applied for examination
of the sedimentary context of the undisturbed in
situ sulphur materials. All the samples, including
the modern Icleandic ones and the ones from Gásir
and the Darsser Kogge, underwent micro-scale
X-ray flourescense to establish their elemenatal
composition (Adderley et al. 2004a). Their mineralogy
was established by micro-scale X-ray
diffraction using established thin-section analysis
methods (Adderley et al. 2004a, Kennedy et al.
2004) on the microfocused X-ray beamline at the
ESRF synchrotron.
Structures and Their Function
The main site area consists of two clusters (East
and West) of densely interlinked buildings that are
divided by street-like trackways. While there is
no good proof to date that this division constitutes
formally maintained movement corridors, it does
seem to provide a fundamental principle for settlement
layout. The function of the structures at Gásir
is often hard to evaluate, due to the multiple phases
of occupation and re-use and re-excavation of the
semi-subterranean booth structures. It is likely that
these fairly casually constructed buildings may in
fact have shifted function repeatedly, and if contemporary
medieval urban contexts are any guide, there
may have been extensive overlap between what
today would be considered public, private, commercial,
and working spaces (Hall and Hunter-Mann
2004). However, some of the facilities can be determined
to have specifi c usages, such as a “smoking
room,” a room 2.4 m long x 1.4m wide x 1.2m deep,
the fl oor area of which consists largely of a hearth
fi lled with charred horse dung (see Fig. 3; Roberts
et al. 2006:12). In 2005, a 10- x 5-m extension of
the western part of area A resulted in the recovery
of a substantial midden deposit (context 2076) fi lling
a pit, or sunken feature. The fi sh midden deposit
contains predominantly cod and haddock elements,
with cranial bone elements dwarfi ng the number
of post cranial elements, suggesting a specialized
deposit resulting from on-site fish cutting (see
Figure 4. Sampling locations in the sulfur-rich pit feature
at Gásir (520). Photograph © W.P. Adderley.
2008 R. Harrison, H.M. Roberts, and W.P. Adderley 105
Perdikaris and McGovern 2008). Less-specialized
facilities such as dwelling or meeting spaces can be
also identifi ed, but further interpretation of many of
these complex structures is still underway (Roberts
et al. 2006). There clearly seem to be gradations in
the quality of probable dwellings, with some structures
well provided with paved fl oors and formally
constructed hearths, and others far more basic.
This combination of multiple functionally (and
perhaps socially) differentiated semi-subterranean
structures arranged around a set of common open
spaces and what seems to be linear movement corridors
is a layout also known from other trading
sites such as Gautavík and Maríuhöfn (Capelle
1982 and Þorkelsson 2004), but quite different
from what we know of other Icelandic settlement
types. Icelandic farmsteads underwent multiple
changes in layout through time, beginning with a
mix of semi-subterranean pit houses (sunken featured
structures somewhat different from the Gásir
booths) and timber and turf halls with separate
animal byres and hay barns, and evolving by medieval
times into a centralized turf and stone-built
complex of human and animal buildings arranged
around a set of interior passages, with pit houses
largely disappearing by the late 11th century (see
Vésteinsson 2004 for review). While large farmsteads
often had partly paved pathways within the
farmyard area, the major spatial divisions were the
concentric nested circles of farmyard, homefield,
and outfield. These are attested in legal as well as
literary accounts, and clearly formed key elements
in organization of a cultural landscape (Hastrup
1985). Other settlement types included upland
shielings (sel), which often converted back and
forth between seasonally occupied summer herding
centers and small year-round farms, depending on
climate and economy. The sel tended to resemble
normal lowland farms with additional stock housing
and animal-management structures (pens,
folds, milking enclosures; Pálsdóttir 2005).
Clusters of small structures superficially similar
individually to the Gásir buildings are found in
many coastal areas, but these are specialized fishing
stations occupied seasonally during the winter
fishing, with their location closely tied to access to
offshore fishing grounds (Edvardsson et al. 2004).
The oldest radiocarbon dated fishing station is at
Akurvík in Strandasysla in the West Fjords, which
has produced basal dates in the mid-13th century
and terminal dates in the mid-15th century for a series
of stratified occupations of a shell sand beach
(Amundsen et al. 2005). The Akurvík site has not
been fully excavated, but investigations of a long
erosion cut profile allowed the documentation of
several early “fishing booth” structures dating to
both early and late phases. While both sites were
characterized by seasonal occupation of structures
not associated with farming, there is little structural
similarity between the medieval fishing booths
and the Gásir sunken featured buildings.
The negative feature with context number
520, producing the Gásir in situ sulphur samples
(Fig. 4) just outside Area A (Fig. 3), was determined
to likely be a sulphur-processing pit
(Adderley et al. 2004b:60). The Gásir archaeological
in situ sulphur samples were compared
with modern raw sulphur materials collected from
known Icelandic sites that were historically involved
with sulphur mining. An additional sample
of archaeological sulphur was taken from the Hanseatic
trading ship called Darsser Kogge, whose
date, established through dendrochronolgical
analysis, was set at 1277–1293 AD (Adderley et
al. 2004b:60). The results from the field examination
and micromorphological analysis of the in situ
Gásir sulphur samples indicated that the materials
processed at the trading site are similar to modern
samples from traditional Icelandic sulphur sources.
This finding can be viewed as an indicator for
Gásir´s involvement in the Icelandic sulphur trade.
These volcanic materials were sought-after in the
“pan-European” sulphur exchange (Adderley et al.
2004b:61, Kutney 2007).
Zooarchaeological Evidence
The Gásir faunal remains have been continuously
analyzed throughout the excavation
period, and the total bone count by taxon (number
of identified species [NISP]) is presented in
Table 2, combining all contexts within the 14thcentury
phase of the site. Where further taxonomic
division was impossible, fragments were lumped
into “large terrestrial mammal” (cattle–horse
sized), “medium terrestrial mammal” (sheep–pig
sized) and “small terrestrial mammal” (fox–small
dog sized) categories.
The Gásir archaeofauna thus has a total NISP of
8647 out of a total number of fragments (TNF)
of 17,625. As is common on Icelandic medieval
sites, the majority of the identifi ed bone fragments
are from fi sh, which are mainly marine fi sh of the
cod family (Gadidae), although a few halibut and
fl atfi sh bones have been recovered as well as a few
freshwater fi sh bones. Domestic mammals are represented
by the full range of species known from
Iceland, including pigs, horses, dogs, and goats as
well as the more common cattle and sheep. Wild
mammals identifi ed are mainly seals and whales,
though as whale bones were extensively used for
craftwork and construction in the North Atlantic region,
it need not refl ect a contribution to diet (Szabo
2005). Bird bones are mainly eider duck and
106 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 1
unique reminder of literary and legal descriptions of
Iceland as a source for this royal falconry bird in the
Middle Ages. Equally exotic is the presence of walrus
ivory and harp seal bones, both today associated
with arctic drift ice and now uncommon visitors to
Icelandic waters.
Figure 5 presents a comparison of major animal
taxa per site of selected later medieval Icelandic
collections. Bessastaðir lies just south of Reykjavík
and was a high-status farm and seat of the Danish
Governor during the Late Middle Ages (Amorosi
1996; Amorosi et al. 1992; Ólafsson 1991a, b;
McGovern 1990). Víðey was a rich monastic site
outside modern Reykjavík harbor (Amorosi 1996),
Svalbarð is a long occupied local church farm in
the north east (Amorosi 1996, Amorosi et al. 1992),
and as noted, Akurvík is a seasonally occupied fishing
station in the West fjords of Iceland with two
major phases (Akurvík 24, Akurvík 22) dated to the
13th and 15th centuries, respectively (Amundsen et
al. 2005, Krivogorskaya et al. 2005). The overall
Gásir archaeofauna does not fit exactly with the
high-status farm archaeofauna profile such as that
from Víðey or Svalbarð, despite displaying a broadly
similar mix of fish and domestic stock, lacking
the substantial amounts of bird and sea-mammal
remains found on the monastery or local elite farm.
Gásir’s archaeofauna also contrasts with that of the
elite manor at Bessastaðir, with its strong concentration
upon domestic stock, and with both phases
of the cod-dominated Akurvík fishing station.
Comparing Medieval Archaeofauna: Domestic
Mammals
The domestic mammal proportions (Fig. 6) at
Gásir most closely resemble the high-status manor
at Bessastaðir and the rich monastic center on Víðey
in the abundance of cattle bones, and contrast with
the reasonably wealthy but far northeastern church
farm of Svalbarð, and with the small Mývatn farm of
Steinbogi (Amorosi et al.1992, McGovern 1990). At
Gásir, the ratio of 1.97 caprine bones for every cattle
bone contrasts with a caprine-to-cattle ratio of close
to twenty to one for most rural sites in northern Iceland
after ca. AD 1250 (Vésteinsson and McGovern,
in prep.). Had Gásir been an Icelandic farm site of
the Late Middle Ages, its overall domestic mammal
proportions would strongly suggest high status and
prosperous farming conditions.
Cattle and Sheep Consumption Patterns at Gásir
The reconstructed age structure of the cattle and
sheep bones discarded at Gásir expands upon this
impression of status, while confi rming that Gásir was
certainly not functioning as a farm. North Atlantic
guillemot or murre, both still common locally, while
the two gyrfalcon bones noted above provide a
Table 2. Aggregated bone fragment count.
Aggregated fragment
Taxon count total
Domestic mammals
Cow (Bos taurus L.) 720
Horse (Equus caballus L.) 14
Pig (Sus scrofa L.) 28
Dog (Canis lupus familiaris L.) 11
Goat (Capra hircus L.) 16
Sheep (Ovis aries L.) 245
Unidentifi ed caprine 1152
Total caprine 1413
Total domestic 2186
Wild Mammals
Harp Seal (Pagophilus groenlandicus (Erxleben)) 5
Small seal 11
Unidentifi ed seal species 34
Total seal 50
Small cetacean 11
Large cetacean 3
Unidentifi ed whale species 15
Total whale 29
Arctic fox (Vulpes lagopus (L.)) 5
Walrus (Odobenus rosmarus (L.)) 1
Total wild mammal 85
Birds
Gyrfalcon (Falco rusticolus L.) 2
Mallard (Anas platyrhynchos L.) 1
Common eider (Somateria mollissima L.) 33
Guillemot family (Uria spp.) 16
Atlantic puffi n (Fratercula arctica (L.)) 5
Fulmar boreal (Fulmarus glacialis (L.)) 0
Gull species (Larus spp.) 4
Razorbill (Alca torda L.) 5
Mute swan (Cygnus olor (Gmelin)) 2
Unidentifi ed bird species 112
Total bird 180
Fish
Cod (Gadus morhua L.) 427
Haddock (Melanogrammus aeglefi nus (L.)) 216
Pollack (Pollachius pollachius (L.)) 11
Atlantic Halibut (Hippoglossus hippoglossus (L.)) 3
Gadid species 1066
Brown trout (Salmo trutta L.) 19
Pleuronectiformes 1
Salmonid species 2
Total fi sh species identifi ed 1745
Unidentifi ed fi sh species 4365
Total fi sh 6110
Mollusca
Periwinkle (Littorina spp.) 2
Clam (Mya spp.) 46
Unidentifi ed mollusc species 38
Total mollusca 86
Total number of identifi ed species (NISP) 8647
Unidentifi ed large terrestrial mammal 770
Unidentifi ed medium terrestrial mammal 1820
Unidentifi ed small terrestrial mammal 19
Unidentifi ed mammal fragments 6369
Total number of fragments (TNF) 17,625
2008 R. Harrison, H.M. Roberts, and W.P. Adderley 107
Figure 6. Domestic mammal proportions from selected Icelandic sites. Sources: Svalbarð 5 (Amorosi 1996); Víðey (Amorosi
1996); Bessastaðir (Amorosi 1996; Amorosi et al. 1992; McGovern 1990; Ólafsson 1991a, b), and Steinbogi (Brewington
et al. 2004).
Figure 5. Comparison of overall relative abundance of major species groups at later medieval Icelandic sites. Sources:
Svalbarð 5 (Amorosi 1996); Víðey (Amorosi 1996); Bessastaðir (Amorosi 1996; Amorosi et al. 1992; McGovern 1990;
Ólafsson 1991a, b), and Steinbogi (Brewington et al. 2004).
108 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 1
fusion comparison studies (Grant 1982, Reitz and
Wing 1999) produce an average age of death for
the adult cattle consumed at Gásir between 1.0–
1.5 years and 2.5–3.0 years, suggesting culling of
well-grown but not fully mature juvenile cattle as
well as young adult individuals (Harrison 2006).
The cattle long-bone fusion proportions (Fig. 8)
indicate that at late medieval Gásir, most of the young
cattle survived the stage of distal epiphysis fusion of
the humerus, which occurs at around 1–1.5 years
of age. There would appear to be considerable cattle
mortality between 1–1.5 years and 2.5–3 yrs at Gásir,
again suggesting kill off of large but not fully mature
juvenile cattle as well as the presence of adults (note
the different fall-off of survivorship at Hofstaðir and
Sveigakot; Harrison 2006). This culling profi le is a
near-perfect match for a hypothetical “prime beef”
profi le, and cannot represent the provisioning of the
residents of Gásir by the natural off-take of very old
or very young cattle produced as a by-product of a
dairying economy. The beef animals being fed just to
the top of their growth curve would constitute quite
expensive parts of the farming strategy: rather than
killing them early on before they needed to be fed
archaeofauna of all periods tend to produce a pattern
of reconstructed cattle age at death with many
very young (neonatal) bones from animals much
less than a year old culled to reserve milk for human
consumption. These high percentages of neonatal
cattle bones have been convincingly tied to a strongly
focused dairy production strategy in a context of limited
grazing, and are usually interpreted as refl ecting
the Norse farmer’s understandable determination
to extract the maximum amount of storable dairy
produce from the cows available (Halstead 1998,
Mulville et al. 2005, Reichstein 2002). Figure 7 illustrates
the relative percentage of neonatal calf bone
remains compared to several Viking Age and Late
Medieval Icelandic sites. The marked shortage of
neonatal cattle bones at Gásir is evident, suggesting
that dairy production of the normal Icelandic type
was not taking place on site.
If the Gásir residents were not consuming
many young calves, they were also not eating very
many old, worn out milk cattle, which would represent
the other source of beef normally consumed
by Icelandic dairy farmers. Analysis of eruption
and wear of cattle tooth rows as well as long-bone
Figure 7. Late Medieval Gásir neonatal cattle percentages (white bar) compared to earlier Medieval medium status farmsteads
in 1) Sveigakot: (McGovern et al. 2004), Hrísheimar (McGovern and Perdikaris 2002), Selhagi (McGovern and Perdikaris
2007 [Draft]), and Steinbogi (Brewington et al. 2004), and 2) Mývatnssveit: the Late Medieval church farm at Svalbarð in
northeastern Iceland (Amorosi 1996:397), the Late Medieval monastic center at Viðey in Reykjavík (Amorosi 1996:403), the
the Late Medieval middle- to high-status farm at Stóraborg in the Southwest (Amorosi 1996:373), and the Late Medieval period
of the high-status mansion at Bessastaðir (Amorosi 1996:335) close to Reykjavík.
2008 R. Harrison, H.M. Roberts, and W.P. Adderley 109
Figure 8. Cattle long-bone fusion comparison. The abbreviations stand for the Viking age sites at Sveigakot (SVK) and
Hofstaðir (HST).
through the winter with extra hay (see Vésteinsson
et al. 2003:11), the beef cows were fed through at
least one if not two winters. It is possible that some
of the pasturelands in the area (i.e., in the holdings of
Möðruvellir monastery) may have been exclusively
used for the feeding of beef cattle. Similar herding
practices may have been existent on the pasturelands
owned by the wealthy Munkaþverárklaustur
just south of Eyjafjord; in 1515, the Benedictine
monastery supposedly held 18 cows, 3 calves, and
22 young bulls (naut) that were used for meat (Þoroddsen
1919, 223).
The age structure of the caprines (nearly all
sheep) at Gásir also raises some questions about
provisioning. Icelandic sheep were regularly
managed for multiple products (milk, wool, meat,
tallow), and most farmers maintained both younger
fertile ewes for milk and older infertile ewes and old
castrate wethers for wool production (Aðalsteinsson
1991). At Gásir, there is again a somewhat atypical
pattern of mortality. Caprine long-bone fusion data
suggests that most of the Gásir sheep were killed
between 3.5 and 4.5 years of age—apparently a
cull of animals in the prime meat range, and not the
agriculturally cheaper option of the worn-out milking
ewes or tough, old wethers who fed Icelandic
farm families. The caprine dental eruption pattern
indicates that almost 60% of the caprines died with
full adult dentition in wear and another 20% were
culled near their adult size at the end of their second
summer. Thus, nearly all of the analyzed caprine
mandibles recovered from Gásir show eruption patterns
of adult or nearly full-grown juveniles, with
very few younger animals present. Tooth wear patterns
on adult mandibles are only indirectly tied to
age at death, and differential grazing patterns can
strongly affect rates of tooth wear (Grant 1982,
Mainland 2006, Mainland and Halstead 2005), but
it is clear from the Gásir sheep mandibles that few
show the extreme tooth wear characteristic of old
ewes or wethers (Harrison 2006). Tooth wear patterns
on the last erupting third molar (M3; Fig. 9)
suggest that most of the adult sheep consumed at
Gásir were young to middle-aged adults rather than
the old ewes or wethers that normally show very
heavily worn M3 surfaces and often exhibit severe
periodontal disease associated with grit and soil
ingestion in north Iceland. Our various sources for
reconstructing age at death for both cattle and sheep
thus suggest similar patterns of consumption of animals
as nearly mature or young adults—prime cuts
seldom consumed by most medieval Icelanders.
A number of pig (Sus scrofa) bones are among
the Gásir faunal collection, making up just over one
percent of identifi ed domestic mammals. This fi nd is
very atypical of Late Medieval Icelandic sites, where
110 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 1
While dog tooth marks on the bones of other
species are very widespread in Icelandic archaeofauna,
dog bones are not common in domestic refuse
deposits. In pre-Christian times, dogs were often
included in human burials, and the size and general
confi guration of these Viking Age dogs closely
matches the modern Icelandic breed (Friðriksson
and Eldjárn 2006, McGovern et al. 2007). As dogs
were not normally eaten in medieval Scandinavia,
it is unusual to fi nd more than one or two bones
outside burial contexts, and the exceptional fi nds
of multiple dog bones (some with cut marks) on
terminal fl oor layers in the Western Settlement of
Norse Greenland have been taken as indications
of a terminal provisioning crisis closely associated
with abandonment (McGovern et al. 1996). The
only other Icelandic exception is the early modern
archaeofauna from rapidly urbanizing 17th–19th-century
Reykjavik at Tjarnargata 3c, where dog bones
as well as rats and mice were mixed into a streetmidden
deposit that seems to have attracted feral
commensual animals of several species (Perdikaris
et al. 2002). The presence of a total of 11 scattered
dog bones at Gásir may again refl ect a seasonally urban-
like social environment in which management
and control of dogs may have been different from
normal farmstead contexts. O’Connor (in Thomas
2005:97) notes that deposition of pet carcasses in
midden dumps is not necessarily revealing about
their treatment in life and also notes the increased
pig bones are usually totally absent. While pigs were
part of the original introduced domestic fauna and
some survived to the 17th century in a few favored
areas, by the 14th century, the pigs had become very
rare, especially in northern Iceland (McGovern and
Perdikaris 2002; see also Arge et al. 2008). Most
Gásir pig bones are long bones, and most have heavy
chopping marks suggesting dismemberment with a
heavy cleaver (especially femur [75%] and humerus
[80%]). These marks could mean that some pig bones
reached Gásir in hams or salt pork rather than in live
animals (Perdikaris et al. 2002, Wigh 2001). However,
some skeletal element combinations suggest
butchery of a live pig on site rather than consumption
of preserved meat (for butchery discussion, see
Prilloff 2000). Live pigs were regularly transported
aboard ships in the medieval and early modern periods
to provide a convenient source of fresh meat.
Robinson and Aaby (1994) report pig dung recovered
among animal bedding material in the late 13thcentury
Gedesby shipwreck from Denmark. John
Cabot’s ship the Matthew was stocked in Bristol
with both live chickens and pigs for its 1497 voyage
to Newfoundland (Morison 1971, Munn 1936).
It is therefore quite possible that earlier 14th-century
vessels calling in Iceland were similarly provisioned.
Icelanders may have been able to encounter exotic
pork at tables in Gásir, but one cannot exclude the
possibility that there were still pigs raised in the Gásir
neighborhood in the 14th Century.
Figure 9. Caprine M3 tooth qear stages.
2008 R. Harrison, H.M. Roberts, and W.P. Adderley 111
prevalence of dog bones in urban vs. rural sites in
medieval Britain.
However, some of the dogs bones present in the
Gásir faunal remains suggest still more exotic human-
canine interactions. At least three very small
lap dogs may have died on the site leaving both long
bone and skull fragments behind. Table 3 presents
the stature reconstruction for these small animals
using the formulae of von den Driesch and Boessneck
(1974) and Harcourt (1974). Both methods
provide shoulder height estimates between 26 and
33 cm. Icelandic sheep dogs (probably imported at
fi rst settlement and the only current native breed)
have a shoulder height of 45–47 cm for males and
40–42 cm for females (FCI Breed-Standard No.
289/29.11.2000/GB; www.icelanddog.org), and
have a very different cranial morphology (Fig. 10)
from the skull of a small-sized dog.
Such small “lap” dogs were status items in High
Medieval Europe (Prilloff 2000) and have been
found in other Late Medieval Icelandic archaeofauna,
in monastic contexts (Pálsdóttir 2005b) and
at the medieval trading station at Kolkuós which
was connected to the northern bishop’s see at Hólar
(R. Traustadóttir, Hólar University College, North
Iceland, pers. comm. 2004). Visiting traders (and
perhaps a few Icelandic aristocrats) made fashion
statements with these imported lap dogs, but apparently
they never replaced the larger, more utilitarian
sheep-herding breed of the Viking age.
Wild Mammals
A handful of Arctic fox (Alopex lagopus) bones
recovered from various deposits did not offer conclusive
evidence if these individuals were used
in fur production or trading or if they were simply
killed for being an annoyance as scavengers
(Hersteinsson 1989). There is some evidence for
skinning of foxes at the 9th–late 12th-century site of
Sveigakot (McGovern et al. 2004).
As the Gásir site is located so close to the ocean,
marine mammal fragments found among the archaeofauna
were no great surprise. Whale bone fragments
at Gásir fall into two overlapping categories: those
showing signs of working as raw material for artifacts
(mainly coming from great whales), and those
suggesting whale meat provisioning, with the latter
coming from animals in the small whale/porpoise
size range. Late medieval cookbooks include many
recipes for young porpoise to be served as high-status
dishes, but porpoise and small whales have been
consumed in many parts of the North Atlantic since
prehistory (Szabo 2005). Bond and O’Connor (1999:
418) note that whale and seal meat was sometimes
classed with fi sh in medieval times as suitable for
consumption on meatless fast days, though practice
varied through time and location (Adamson 2004:44;
see also discussion in Müldner and Richards 2007).
The seal bones found at Gásir include both adults
and newborn young, and butchery marks suggest
that they were eaten, although seal skins were also a
widespread North Atlantic export. While seals were
regularly eaten by coastal people, in later medieval
cookbooks, seals were considered as “sailors’ food”
(Adamson 2004). The seal bones at Gásir thus may be
an indicator for the presence of seafaring people at the
trading station or simply a refl ection of normal Icelandic
dietary preferences. The seal bones that could
be speciated were found to be from the ice-riding
harp seal (Phoca groenlandica) rather than the local
harbor seals (P. vitulina) still common in Eyjafjörður
Figure 10. Medium-sized Icelandic dog (Skálholt, modern
deposit) versus specimen of small size from medieval Gásir,
context 2812 (crania, inferior position). Scale in cm.
Table 3. Reconstruction of the shoulder height in the small dog (Canis familiaris) specimens found at Gásir. Two reconstruction factors
were used and resulted in quite similar shoulder heights.
Skeletal Greatest Size- Reconstructed Size- Reconstructed
element length (GL) reconstruction shoulder reconstruction shoulder
Context (bone) of bone factorA height measurementB height
1551 Tibia 90.00 mm 2.92 26.3 cm (2.92xtl) + 9.41 27.2 cm
2812 Humerus 98.00 mm 3.37 33.0 cm (3.43xtl) - 26.54 31.0 cm
2851 Humerus 98.55 mm 3.37 33.2 cm (3.43xtl) - 26.54 31.2 cm
ASource: von den Driesch and Boessneck 1974.
BSource: Harcourt 1974.
112 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 1
today. Harp seals are common in Icelandic waters
only during periods of heavy drift ice and have been
associated with later medieval climatic conditions in
the North Atlantic, particularly the heavy summer sea
ice encountered in Denmark Strait after 1300 (Amorosi
et al. 1992; Ogilvie 1991; Ogilvie et al., in prep.;
Woollett 2004). In addition to the seal and whale
bone fragments, a single piece of walrus (Odobenus
rosmarus) tusk was recovered from Gásir (Fig. 11).
This fragment is the proximal end of a tusk, right at
the apex of the deep tooth root, and has been cut off
with a medieval narrow-bladed backed saw. While
the whole walrus tusks dating to circa 900 A.D. (before
the settlement of Greenland) recovered from the
very early long hall at Aðalstræti in Reykjavik probably
came from local Icelandic walrus populations
(Tinsley and McGovern 2002, Vésteinsson 2006),
these local populations were certainly extinct by the
later Middle Ages. Walrus were heavily exploited by
the Norse Greenlanders (Pálsdóttir 2006), and the
frequency of the dense maxillary bone fragments and
occasional chips of tusk ivory in midden and fl oor
deposits suggests widespread community involvement
in the walrus hunt and the fi nal extraction of the
tusk ivory on the home farms (Dugmore et al. 2007,
McGovern et al. 1996).
This sawn tusk root (Fig. 11) is unlike any of the
Greenlandic walrus processing debris, and suggests
a later stage of ivory working in which the extracted
tusk is sub-divided for carving or inlay production.
The Gásir walrus ivory fragment thus seems to refl
ect not the initial process of tusk extraction from
a recently killed walrus by a hunting community,
but a subsequent phase in the conversion of the raw
product into material for high quality craftsmanship.
Therefore it is less likely to represent the remains
of an animal killed nearby than work done on tusks
acquired elsewhere (perhaps Greenland), and raises
further questions about westwards as well as eastwards
overseas connections from Gásir.
Birds
The majority of Gásir bird bones come from eider
ducks, common in summer along the shore of Eyjafjörður
today. Guillemot and murre (these species,
which have similar habits, cannot be distinguished
on most skeletal elements) are also quite regularly
found in the various deposits and may have been
used as seasonal “crop” in dried form, such as they
were prepared in medieval Atlantic Europe (Bond
and O’Connor 1999:418). Like the guillemots, the
puffi n and razorbill are summer migrants present
in breeding colonies near the mouth of Eyjafjörður
and offshore islands. These auk-family sea birds
were widely consumed in Atlantic Europe, including
Iceland (i.e., Bárðarsson 1987:92), and their
presence in the Gásir deposits probably provides no
signifi cant cultural or economic marker. The swan
bones are also socially equivocal—in many parts of
Europe (notably in medieval England), swans were
“royal” birds and their consumption was restricted
to the high nobility. In Iceland, migratory swans
were occasionally, but not commonly, taken from
fi rst settlement onwards, and their bones appear in
sites of lower as well as higher status. It is possible
that the consumption of swan meat at Gásir carried
a different social message to the visiting merchants
and their Icelandic customers. Since there is only
one specimen of the swan present in the Gásir archaeofauna,
the consumption of this large bird may
be sporadic rather than a frequent occurrence. Less
ambiguously embedded in medieval hierarchical
sumptuary animal rankings are the bones of two
gyrfalcon (probably from different individuals, contexts
1632 and 756), as these were falconry birds of
the highest rank and were reserved as royal gifts. In
1185, Giraldus Cambrensis ( in Forester´s translation
2001:34) writes about a noble falcon from Norway
that killed King Henry´s hawk, which may have
stirred his interest in these birds of prey.
Marine Fish
Fish remains at Gásir account for more than half
of the total identifi ed archaeofauna (Table 4). A
Table 4. Total identifi ed archaeofauna.
Absolute number Percent
Total mammalsA 4844 43.15
Total fi sh 6117 54.49
Total birds 179 1.59
Total molluscs 86 0.77
Figure 11. Walrus tusk fragment. Scale in cm. AIncluding land and marine mammals.
2008 R. Harrison, H.M. Roberts, and W.P. Adderley 113
large proportion of these fi sh bones were fragmented
beyond element or species association, but the 1745
identifi able fragments of fi sh bone from Gásir, like
most medieval Icelandic archaeofauna, are dominated
by fi sh of the cod family (Gadidae).
In the early Viking Age pre-commercial period
of dried fi sh production and exchange, a wide
range of gadid species were dried and exchanged,
but one signature of the onset of full-scale commercialization
and international fish trade was
a specialization on the Atlantic codfish (Gadus
morhua), the bones of which tend to dominate the
midden contents of major fi sh-producing sites after
ca AD 1100 (Perdikaris 1999, Perdikaris and Mc-
Govern 2007, Perdikaris et al. 2004). However, even
after the commercial focus upon single species (and
standardization on an acceptable size range for individuals),
fi shing communities tended to provision
themselves with now-untradeable by-catch of related
gadids (haddock in Iceland, saithe in the Northern
and Western Isles; Perdikaris and McGovern 2008),
as well as smaller cod not suitable for drying. Since
the production of round-dried stockfi sh requires
near-freezing temperatures, the Icelandic medieval
commercial fi shery (like that of arctic Norway) was in
winter, so the Gásir site occupied in summer could not
have been involved directly in stockfi sh production.
Any fi sh shipped through the market to Europe had
to have been produced elsewhere. As Figure 12 indicates,
the proportion of identifi ed gadid fi sh species
present at Gásir do not resemble the cod-dominated
signatures of the nearly contemporary fi shing sites of
Gjögur and Akurvík in the West Fjords (Amundsen
et al. 2005, Krivogorskaya et al. 2005), but rather
the haddock-rich inland “consumer” sites of Viking
Age Mývatn (Hofstaðir and Sveigakot; McGovern
et al. 2006). This pattern suggests that the Gásir seasonal
settlement was not being cheaply provisioned
with dried cod produced in the previous winter from
fi shing sites like Akurvík, nor were the Gásir residents
simply consuming part of the dried cod which
may have been a proportion of the Icelandic bulk
goods being exported from Gásir. Sturlunga Saga
(dating to the mid-13th century) mentions a farmer
who came to Gásir from Siglunes, bringing with him
a boatload of fi sh to trade with the people who lived
further inland (Vigfusson 1878).
Initial analysis of the distribution of gadid skeletal
elements from the fi rst seasons of excavation at
Gásir produced a skeletal pattern lacking most head
bones and upper vertebrae, a signature normally associated
with the consumption of dried (headless)
cod (Krivogorskaya et al. 2005). However, expanded
open-area excavation later revealed context 2076,
a pit fi ll associated with what we now suspect to be a
fi shmonger’s shop.
Figure 13 displays the percentages of premaxilla
(one of the jaw bones) vs. cleithrum (large bone
Figure 12. Relative proportions of cod family fi sh bones from inland “consumer” sites (Hofstaðir, Sveigakot) and two
coastal medieval fi sh “producer” sites in northwest Iceland (Akurvík, Gjögur) in comparison with Gásir.
114 Journal of the North Atlantic Volume 1
found in the pectorial region) bone element ratios
for the Gásir gadids. The cleithrum travels with
the preserved fi sh along with varied amounts of the
vertebral column, and tends to disproportionately
accumulate at consumer sites (Perdikaris and Mc-
Govern 2007, 2008). The premaxilla is normally
discarded at the point of fi sh cleaning and preparation
for drying or consumption, and thus tends to
accumulate differentially at fi sh-producing sites
such as Akurvík (Amundsen et al. 2005). Context
2076 pit fi ll displays just such a fi sh-processing
pattern: substantial amounts of skull and cranial
fragments, including the premaxilla, producing a
classic “producer” profi le. The rest of the site has
produced a surplus of cleithra and vertebral elements
in a consumer profi le, apparently not because
the visiting merchants were eating hard, dried cod,
but because they were getting their mix of freshcaught
cod and haddock freshly butchered from a
vendor on site. As illustrated in Figure 13, when the
2076 pit fi ll elements are combined with the rest of
the site archaeofauna, the proportion of these paired
elements matches the 50:50 ratio in a live fi sh. This
“reassembly” of the heads and bodies of the gadids
found in the same phase combined with the haddockrich
species mix at Gásir suggests provisioning with
fresh-caught fi sh taken from the nearby fjord during
the summer trading season (as well as indicating the
advantages of an open-area excavation over narrow
column samples for zooarchaeological interpretation).
It may not be too far-fetched to assume that at
least some of the fi sh consumed at Gásir only traveled
within the market place.
Freshwater Fish
The bones of freshwater salmonids, probably all
Brown trout (Salmo trutta), were rare, with only 19
specifi able vertebral elements recovered during fl otation.
Gásir lies at the Hörgá River estuary, which
may have been the source of these freshwater fi sh,
though many clear-running streams in the region
have good trout fi shing, and smoked trout remains a
local delicacy today.
Craft-working Materials
The walrus tusk fragment illustrated above was
most likely brought onto the site as an extracted but
unworked tusk, as there is no evidence of butchered
walrus post cranial remains or the characteristic maxillary
fragments remaining from tusk extraction that
are prevalent in Greenlandic collections (McGovern
1985). The nature of the few Gásir horse bone fragments
indicates craft-working activities rather than
horse-meat consumption, as many elements have
tool marks suggesting the extraction of bone raw material
from the dense lower limb bones.
Except for the porpoise-size whales, the majority
of whale bones found at Gásir bear marks that
Figure 13. Gásir gadids: comparison of premaxilla vs. cleithrum.
2008 R. Harrison, H.M. Roberts, and W.P. Adderley 115
derive from bone working. A substantial number of
cut-marked cattle horn cores have been recovered
from several contexts, and these are most likely to
be understood as horn craft-working debris. The
Gásir archaeofauna thus suggests that the seasonal
trading center was not just a marketplace or warehousing
center, but also saw substantial craft work
aimed at production and finishing of bone and ivory
items for local sale or for shipment to Europe.
Foodways and Ethnicity
Beginning around AD 1150–1200, a method for
extracting the marrow from the metapodials (lower
leg bones) of sheep and goats spread into several
North Atlantic communities, including the Shetlands,
Faroes, and Iceland (but not Greenland) using
the bi-perforation technique (Bigelow 1985). This
method requires opening two circular holes at each
end of the metapodial bone and sucking out the rich
marrow rather than splitting the bone open to extract
the marrow. This marrow-extraction technique
avoids bone splinters in the marrow produced by the
earlier Viking Age pattern of longitudinal splitting,
and has the advantage of retaining a very usefully
shaped bone nearly intact for tool use. By the later
medieval period, nearly all sheep metapodials in all
Icelandic archaeofauna were bi-perforated, and split
metapodials are exceedingly rare (by early modern
times, a folk belief held that splitting metapodials
at meals would cause live sheep to break legs in
the same place). In England and Continental Europe,
this technique remained unknown, and Late
Medieval diners continued to split sheep and goat
metapodials in the old fashion. Table 5 presents
the proportions of split vs. bi-perforated caprine
metapodials from the Gásir collection, documenting
the overwhelming use of splitting rather than
bi-perforation in marrow extraction. In an Icelandic
farm site of the 14th–15th century, one would expect
to see these proportions reversed. The later medieval
farmsteads at Stóraborg and Bessastaðir have a large
proportion of bi-perforated caprine metapodials
(Amorosi 1996). Does the low frequency of bi-perforation
refl ect non-Icelandic ethnic origins of the at
least some of the residents of Gásir?
Discussion
Gásir thus presents an overall picture of a
wealthy, socially differentiated community capable
of expressing its prosperity, piety, and solidarity in
the construction of an impressively large church and
the organization of a substantial provisioning effort
that provided diners with tender beef and lamb,
fresh fi sh, and perhaps the occasional swan and porpoise.
Gásir was not simply a warehousing center,
but also saw a range of craft activities and potentially
the fi nal fi nishing of walrus ivory acquired
elsewhere. Inter-cultural contacts are hinted at by
a mix of foodways, exotic imported pets, and the
deployment of locally rare drinking vessels (which
may have helped to lead the Möðruvellir monks
astray). Perhaps most importantly, interdisciplinary
investigations indicate that Gásir by the 14th century
had an impact on its hinterland, although the extent
of that impact is not yet known. Even in the winter
season, the great timber church would have been
widely visible as a land- and sea-mark, and it would
appear that at least some Icelandic farmers were
involved in raising cattle and caprines with the specifi
c thought of delivering them to the trading site.
While we know only very little about the regional
economic and subsistence structures, additional
research now underway at the Möðruvellir and other
sites in Eyjafjörður may help better understand the
socio-cultural forces at work at Gásir (Harrison and
Roberts 2007).
Acknowledgments
The authors wish to acknowledge the fi nancial and
logistic support for the excavation at Gásir from the
Museum of Akureyri. Special thanks go to the Icelandic
Millennium fund (Kristnihátíðarsjóður) and Ríkissjóður
(National Icelandic Government funding). R. Harrison
gratefully acknowledges the support from the Leifur Eiriksson
Fund, the Leverhulme Trust Program “Landscapes
circum-Landnám,” the US National Science Foundation
Arctic Social Sciences Program (Grants OPP AC 0732327,
BCS 0001026, OPP 402900001 and OPP ARC 0809033)
and the CUNY Doctoral Program in Anthropology. She
would also like to thank Sophia Perdikaris, Thomas H.
McGovern, Orri Vésteinsson, Mjöll Snæsdóttir, and Jim
Woollett, for their sustained support and help in fi eld and
lab and Seth Brewington for his help with faunal analysis
from the Gásir 2003 season. Sampling and analysis of the
sulphur materials has been supported by The Leverhulme
Trust Programme “Landscapes circum-Landnám,” by
The British Academy and by the European Synchrotron
Radiation Facility (ESRF) beamtime award ME-826 on
beamline ID18F. Amanda Thomson and Ian Simpson of
the University of Stirling kindly assisted with the sulphur
material fi eldwork.
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